Yes, I most certainly can. The reason I can't bring myself to read it any longer is because you stopped saying anything new months ago and your repitition of the same responses don't answer the arguments any better now than they did 6 years ago when I started this discussion.
Your argument boils down to the only ones allowed to remove a king are his subjects through open rebellion against a rogue king. That takes us all the way back to my point about there sure seems like there ought to be a better solution to a rogue king that civil war. It's all just the same arguments over and over and over and over and over and over and over and over and over.....................
Since you keep saying this is all repetition, let me summarize the actual defeaters of your position and the questions your position still has not answered, so that if you make an argument that falls under one of these defeaters, I can simply refer you back here.
1. You have not shown that “under law” means “removable by a lower domestic office.”
That is the main equivocation.
I agree that the king is under law. I deny that this requires lesser domestic officers to have jurisdiction to remove him.
A man can be guilty under law without every lower earthly office having jurisdiction to punish him. “Not removable by a lower domestic office” does not mean “above the law,” “authorized to sin,” or “legally permitted to do whatever he wants.”
You keep asserting that equivalence. You have not proven it.
2. You have not answered the final-earthly-authority problem.
Every civil system terminates authority somewhere.
If final earthly civil authority does not terminate in the king, then it terminates in the men who can remove the king.
So the question remains:
Who has the final earthly word?
If the answer is “the men who can prosecute, judge, and remove the king,” then final earthly authority terminates in them, not in the king.
3. You have not answered “who removes the removers?”
You keep pointing to the danger of a rogue king.
Fine. I agree that a rogue king is dangerous.
But your system creates another danger at the level of final authority: rogue removers.
You have now suggested that capture of your removal process would require several conspirators, and that this would be harder than one king becoming corrupt.
But that does not answer the objection.
It only admits that your system can be corrupted while claiming corruption would be more difficult.
Fine. Then the question remains:
What happens when it occurs?
What happens when the removal authority is corrupt? What happens when the judges are ambitious? What happens when the charges are fabricated? What happens when powerful men use the lawful process to remove a righteous king who stands in their way?
Do the removers have an authority above them?
If yes, who is it ultimately? Not “what,” but who? “The law” is not the answer, because we both agree that both the king and the removers are under law. The question is: who does the law authorize to remove anyone who goes rogue inside the removal process?
If the answer is another court, council, judge, or process, then the same question applies again: who removes them?
If the answer is “no one,” then your removers occupy the very position you say the king cannot occupy. They become the final earthly authority who cannot be removed by a higher domestic office.
So your system does not eliminate the problem. It only relocates it.
4. You have not shown where Scripture authorizes lesser domestic officers to remove the chief civil ruler.
This is not a minor detail. This is the central question.
You are not merely saying wicked kings are guilty before God. I agree with that.
You are saying lesser domestic officers may prosecute, judge, and remove the king. That requires authority. Where is that authority given?
5. You have not answered the guilt/jurisdiction distinction.
Guilt exists when the act is committed. Court judgment establishes guilt for purposes of earthly punishment.
That is why a suspect is presumed innocent during trial. It does not mean he is actually innocent until the court declares him guilty. It means guilt must be proved before the proper authority before punishment may be imposed.
So there are three distinct questions:
Did he violate the law?
Has that guilt been established by the proper process?
Who has jurisdiction to punish him?
You keep moving from the first question to the third as though the answer automatically follows.
It does not.
If there is no earthly court above a criminal king, then he is still guilty before God and guilty under the law, but no lesser domestic court has jurisdiction to punish or remove him for that crime.
That may bother you, but it is not a contradiction. It is the difference between guilt and jurisdiction.
6. You have not answered the selection/removal distinction.
The procedure that identifies or seats a king does not automatically retain authority to remove him.
Selection authority is not removal authority.
Recognition is not jurisdiction.
Installation is not ongoing superiority.
If officers administer succession, that does not make them superior to the throne afterward.
7. You have not answered the “law does not enforce itself” problem.
Saying “the law removes him” does not answer anything.
Law does not act. Men act.
Men accuse.
Men investigate.
Men judge.
Men enforce.
Men remove.
So the real question is always: which men?
And once those men have authority to remove the king, they are above him in the decisive case.
8. You have not answered the “king’s own actions trigger the process” problem.
You say the king’s own actions would trigger the legal process.
No. Men would.
The king’s action does not interpret itself, accuse itself, investigate itself, prosecute itself, judge itself, or enforce judgment against itself.
Men decide whether the action qualifies. Men decide whether charges should be brought. Men decide whether the evidence is sufficient. Men decide whether the process has been satisfied. Men decide whether the king is guilty. Men decide whether he is removed.
So again, the issue is not paper procedure. The issue is which men have final jurisdiction.
9. You have not answered the worst-case/best-case comparison problem.
You keep testing Bob’s system by its worst possible king, then testing your system by ideal righteous removers.
That is not an honest comparison.
If Bob’s system has to account for a wicked king, your system has to account for wicked removers.
If the king might abuse his office, so might the judges.
If the king might endanger the nation, so might the men empowered to remove him.
Saying it would take several conspirators does not answer this. It only changes the form of the danger from one wicked ruler to a coalition of wicked removers.
10. You have not answered the “no one gains political power” problem.
You say your process would be structured so that no one involved has any way of gaining political power.
But the power to prosecute, judge, and remove the king is political power.
Even if the removers do not personally become king afterward, they still have decisive authority over who may continue to occupy the throne. That is enormous civil power.
A man does not have to wear the crown in order to rule the crown.
11. You have not answered the civil-disobedience point without turning it into civil war.
My position is not that subjects have legal authority to remove the king through open rebellion.
My position is that wicked commands do not bind.
A tyrant king can command his subordinates to start killing people, but he cannot compel them to obey. Officers, soldiers, judges, recorders, and subjects must obey God rather than man. They must refuse criminal commands, refuse cooperation with wickedness, and refuse to treat evil as lawful simply because the king commanded it.
If they refuse, then the king’s wickedness is checked by non-cooperation.
If they obey, then the nation has a deeper problem than one rogue king. It has a morally corrupt people, corrupt officers, corrupt soldiers, and corrupt judges willing to carry out wickedness.
And that problem will not be solved by merely removing the king.
If the people beneath the king are corrupt enough to obey monstrous commands, they are also corrupt enough to corrupt, capture, or weaponize your removal process.
So again, the problem is sinful men with power, not merely one sinful man with a crown.
Refusal is not the same thing as a standing domestic removal process.
Non-cooperation is not the same thing as civil war.
12. You have not shown that your system preserves Bob’s structure.
Your cyan analogy conceded the structural point.
If your removal mechanism cannot be described without placing some men over the king, then placing some men over the king is inherent to the mechanism.
That may be possible as a different structure. It may be possible as a divided constitutional government. It may be possible as a monarchy with a superior domestic removal authority over the king.
But it is not a system where final earthly civil authority terminates in the king.
So the unresolved issue is not whether a removal process can be written on paper. Of course it can.
The unresolved issue is whether such a process preserves the structure Bob proposed, whether Scripture authorizes it, and whether it actually solves the problem of sinful men in power rather than merely relocating that problem to the men who remove the king.
Those are the defeaters and the questions still unanswered.